SOURCE: The St. Petersburg Times
DATE: Issue #1749 (8), Wednesday, March 6, 2013
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TITLE:  St. Pete Activists Questioned in Bolotnoye Case
AUTHOR: Alexander Winning
PUBLISHER: The St. Petersburg Times
TEXT: Investigators questioned two prominent opposition activists from St. Petersburg last Wednesday as part of a criminal investigation into violence at an anti-Kremlin demonstration on Moscow's Bolotnaya Ploshchad last year.

Police raided the homes of Andrei Pivovarov, head of the liberal Republican Party – Party of People's Freedom's local branch, and Natasha Gryaznevich, an activist with the Civil Responsibility movement, at about 7 a.m. before summoning them to the Interior Ministry's extremism center in the northern capital, local media reported.

The searches represent the first time that investigators have targeted activists from St. Petersburg in their inquiry into violent clashes between riot police and demonstrators on May 6.

Opposition activists claim that police provoked the clashes, a version supported by the majority of the Kremlin's human rights council, while investigators blame protesters and have classified the protest as a “mass riot.” Twenty-one activists are currently facing criminal prosecution in the so-called Bolotnoye case, which has provoked outrage in opposition circles.

In comments on Twitter, Pivovarov said he was questioned as a witness, rather than a suspect, in the case and told Ekho Peterburga radio that investigators failed to find anything linked to the now-infamous protest in his flat. It was not immediately clear whether Gryaznevich was also being treated as a witness.

By midday Wednesday, opposition activists gathered outside the police's extremism center to express support for their colleagues by holding one-man pickets, a form of public gathering that doesn't require permission from authorities.

Addressing St. Petersburg's Legislative Assembly, local lawmaker Maxim Reznik,   former head of Yabloko's St. Petersburg branch and now loosely affiliated with Mikhail Prokhorov's Civil Platform party, said the investigation into Pivovarov and Gryaznevich should be monitored by the assembly.

Pivovarov, who sits on the opposition's Coordination Council, a body tasked with formulating opposition tactics, wrote on Twitter that the search at his home was conducted by Major Timofei Grachyov, a senior Investigative Committee official known for overseeing prior investigations into anti-Kremlin protesters.

In October, Grachyov caused a stir by reportedly threatening “anti-fascist” activist Filipp Galtsov into giving testimony against Left Front leader Sergei Udaltsov and his associate, Leonid Razvozzhayev, both of whom are accused of plotting the protest violence as part of a wider plan to sow discord in Russia.

Razvozzhayev later claimed that he was tortured after being taken to a pretrial detention center by Grachyov.

Pivovarov and Gryaznevich both attended the “March of Millions” demonstration on Bolotnaya Ploshchad and organized transportation to the event for like-minded St. Petersburg residents. But Pivovarov denied that they had broken the law during the rally, at which more than 400 protesters were detained.

According to St. Petersburg-based news portal Fontanka.ru, the pair also took part in a seminar near Vilnius, Lithuania, that featured in a documentary-style film broadcast on state-controlled channel NTV that accused opposition activists of plotting riots on Russian soil with financing from Georgian politician Givi Targamadze.

After leaving the extremism center early Wednesday afternoon, Pivovarov told journalists that he had signed a non-disclosure agreement, which prevented him from revealing any specifics about investigators' line of questioning.

Gryaznevich was not immediately available for comment.



TITLE:  Dancer Confesses in Bolshoi Acid Attack 
AUTHOR: Natalya Krainova
PUBLISHER: The St. Petersburg Times
TEXT: Bolshoi ballet soloist Pavel Dmitrichenko and two accomplices have partially confessed to organizing the January acid attack on Bolshoi ballet director Sergei Filin over a work conflict.

But Dmitrichenko’s colleagues doubted his confession, saying his temper wasn’t consistent with cultivating revenge plans. Meanwhile, media reports continue to implicate prominent Bolshoi dancer Nikolai Tsiskaridze in the attack.

In a video released last Wednesday by the Life News online tabloid, which has connections with police, Dmitrichenko, the suspected mastermind, said he ordered the attack “but not in the extent to which it happened,” he said without elaborating, adding that he had described the reasons in a police report.

Dmitrichenko, whom an understudy will replace in the current production of “Sleeping Beauty,” was motivated by “personal enmity … linked to work activities,” a police source told Interfax. Dmitrichenko told police he had asked the executors of the attack only to “intimidate” Filin and did not know they would fling acid at him.

Andrei Lipatov, an unemployed Moscow region resident, confessed to driving the suspected attacker, Yury Zarutsky, to the crime scene and taking him away after some time. But he said he had been unaware of Zarutsky’s criminal plans and did not witness the crime.

Zarutsky, an ex-convict residing in a region neighboring the Moscow region, refused to testify in front of the video camera. But he told investigators that he had found on the Internet a recipe for making sulfuric acid because the substance was not sold on the open market, Life News reported.

Zarutsky bought a weak form of the acid at a Moscow region store selling spare car parts and boiled the acid down to increase its concentration, police said in a statement.

The three suspects detained Tuesday wrote confessions, the official police website said Wednesday. They face up to 12 years in prison on charges of causing grave harm to a person’s health with prior collusion. Dmitrichenko, Lipatov and Zarutsky were officially charged Thursday, Interfax reported.

Also Thursday, Moscow’s Tagansky District Court heard the request by investigators to sanction the arrest of the three suspects, Interfax reported. Legal news agency Rapsi planned to broadcast live from the courtroom starting at 10 a.m.

Filin was not “stunned” to learn the identities of the suspects and would demand that his attackers pay for his treatment, his lawyer Tatyana Stukalova told Interfax.

In December, Dmitrichenko had a conflict with Filin over the artistic director’s refusal to give a lead role to Dmitrichenko’s girlfriend, another Bolshoi dancer, Angelina Vorontsova, members of the troupe told Izvestia on condition of anonymity. Filin allegedly told Vorontsova to look at herself in the mirror to see that she is fat.

But although Dmitrichenko is quick-tempered, he is easily appeased, the sources said.

A close friend called him a “quick” and “spontaneous” person who “immediately … expresses both anger and admiration.” The friend said he could not imagine that Dmitrichenko would “play a waiting game” and “cultivate a plan of such evildoing.”

Another colleague said that Dmitrichenko “lacks patience to lay such a complicated scheme” and that Dmitrichenko and Vorontsova were dancing a number of lead roles, so they had no serious grounds to take offense at Filin.

But in December, Dmitrichenko and Vorontsova complained about their conflict with Filin to Tsiskaridze, Vorontsova’s current tutor, who allegedly said Filin “might lose desire to look at himself in the mirror,” Izvestia wrote. Tsiskaridze has been reported to be struggling with Filin for influence in the theater, although Tsiskaridze denies that.

Filin may have held a grudge against Vorontsova several years ago.

In 2008, he helped her move to Moscow from her native town of Voronezh, planning to take her into the troupe of Moscow’s Stanislavsky and Nemirovich-Danchenko Musical Theater, where he was artistic director at the time. But Vorontsova, who accepted his financial aid, went to work at the Bolshoi, Izvestia reported.

City Police Chief Anatoly Yakunin has asked Interior Minister Vladimir Kolokoltsev to recognize police officers who helped solved the case of the attack on Filin, Interfax reported.

Filin was attacked outside his apartment building in downtown Moscow on the night of Jan. 17. He suffered severe burns to his face and eyes and has undergone several surgeries and needs a few more, but it is so far unclear whether his eyesight will be fully restored.

In late January, Bolshoi general director Anatoly Iksanov told Komsomolskaya Pravda that Tsiskaridze “could have neither carried out nor organized” the attack but that “by his unpunished behavior, he led the situation in the theater to the state where someone else could have gone further” and splashed Filin with acid.  

The Bolshoi spokeswoman said last week that Filin’s colleagues at the theater were expecting him to return to work in the summer.


TITLE: Lufthansa Unveils Low-Cost Air Service to City
AUTHOR: By Irina Titova
PUBLISHER: The St. Petersburg Times
TEXT: Lufthansa, the largest foreign airline company serving St. Petersburg, is to introduce changes to its service both to the city and around the world beginning July 1 this year.
According to the new operational structure the company’s budget airline, Germanwings, will take over all Lufthansa flights to non-hub German cities such as Berlin, Dusseldorf and Hamburg, while Lufthansa-branded flights will continue to serve Munich and Frankfurt.
Lufthansa’s flights from St. Petersburg to Dusseldorf will also be taken over by Germanwings later this year, said Ronald Schulz, regional director of Lufthansa in Russia and the CIS, at a news conference in St. Petersburg on  Feb 28.
“The date of the changeover has not yet been specified,” Schulz said.
The new Germanwings flights will offer three classes of economy service. 
The lowest available tariff will see ticket prices starting at 33 euros. Similar to other low-cost carriers the price will not include a meal or luggage allowance. Passengers travelling on this tariff will be able to choose seats from the 11th row to the back of the plane, and will be offered paid supplementary services.
The other economy class tarrifs will offer a range of upgrades on the basic service including seats at the front of the plane, free luggage allowances and meals.
Christoff Franz, CEO Deutsche Lufthansa AG, said the launch of the new modernized Germanwings brand will be “a move forward” on the local German market.
“Having extensive experience both in the low-cost and premium segments, we have developed a wide range of products and services. With the new Germanwings we intend to unite both of those elements, while setting new standards of service in Europe and on our domestic market,” Franz said.
Concurrent with Lufthansa’a changes, Austrian Airlines, which is part of Lufthansa Group, will expand its service to St. Petersburg by adding seven more flights a week between St. Petersburg and Vienna to its summer schedule. Currently Austrian Airlines offers a single daily flight from the city to Vienna.
In 2012 Lufthansa carried 463,000 passengers between Germany and St. Petersburg, which represented a growth of two percent over passenger numbers for 2011, according to Lufthansa representatives.


TITLE: Teen Faces Fine Over Dance
AUTHOR: By Sergey Chernov
PUBLISHER: The St. Petersburg Times
TEXT: A teenager was charged with holding an unauthorized assembly after being detained at a Harlem Shake flash mob in St. Petersburg on Sunday.
Vasily Zabelov, 17, is seen on a video on the Fontanka.ru website being led by two policemen to a police car following the flash mob, which drew hundreds to a site near the Galereya shopping center next to the Moscow Railway Station on Ligovsky Prospekt.
In answer to a question from a reporter asking what Zabelov was being detained for, one of the policemen in the video tells the reporter to contact the police’s press service.
Speaking on Tuesday, Zabelov said he was held for two-and-a-half hours at a police precinct before charges were pressed. He said that his case will be heard by the commission of minors’ affairs, rather than in court, because of his age.
He described himself as the event’s chief organizer, saying that he used some help from a friend to get sound equipment and a camera.
According to Zabelov, the event drew 300 people, who were then joined by passers-by, increasing the number to 500. He said he was a student welder at the Russian College of Traditional Culture.
Earlier, Zabelov told the RIA Novosti news agency that he faced a fine of 10,000 to 50,000 rubles ($325-$1,630) and that he would appeal to online communities if fined.
Zabelov said he took his detention “in a negative way.” 
“In my view, the government should give people the right to relax and have some fun. It’s not a political rally or anything, is it?” he said.
Harlem Shake is an Internet meme that peaked in popularity last month.
Groups of costumed people gather unexpectedly at different, often unlikely locations across the world to perform a wild dance to the track “Harlem Shake” by American DJ and producer Baauer. Videos of the event are later uploaded to the Internet.
The police said that “policemen stopped the unsanctioned event,” Interfax reported, but the police’s claim was denied by Zabelov and other participants who say police stepped in after the event finished. Two St. Petersburg residents were said to have calledpolice, saying that that the event obstructed pedestrians.
In the past 12 months, St. Petersburg police have dispersed — and detained some participants of — a number of unlikely non-political events held by local teenagers. These included a pillow fight, a snowball fight and a Michael Jackson memorial event.


TITLE: IN BRIEF
TEXT: <b>Flu Deaths Rise </b>
ST. PETERSBURG (SPT) — At least nine lethal cases from flu complications have been registered in the city since the beginning of this year’s flu season, the local chapter of the Russian Consumer Watch said Monday, Interfax reported. 
Among those who died were five people in their forties, three people in their seventies and one person in their fifties.
Lab analysis confirmed six of the cases as flu of the A(N1H1)pdm09 type; two cases as flu virus of atypical A type; and one case as flu virus of B type.
None of those who died had received anti-flu vaccinations and all of them had other health problems such as heart illnesses, diabetes, leukemia and chronic alcoholism.
Last week classes were suspended for 112 groups of schoolchildren at 59 elementary schools and 87 kindergarten classes at 75 of the city’s kindergartens. 

<b>Moving Targets</b>
ST. PETERSBURG (SPT) — City police are looking into several incidents in which marshrutka minibus taxis operating routes in the south of the city were shot at on Sunday, Interfax reported.
Police are investigating five cases of such shootings.
Meanwhile, the transport company Piteravto has said at least 13 of its marshrutki were shot at on Sunday. Four of them were attacked in the south of the city, three more a few minutes’ drive from Zvyozdnaya metro station, while the rest were shot at in the city’s Kirovsky district.
None of the passengers of the marshrutki suffered any injuries.
In mid-January police also opened an investigation into cases in which marshrutkas were shot at on Prospekt Stachek, Prospekt Marshala Zhukova, the crossing of Prospekt Zhukova and Prospekt Veteranov, and on Tallinskoye Shosse. No passengers suffered in any of those attacks, although the buses had their windows damaged.

<b>Olympic Incentives</b>
ST. PETERSBURG (SPT) — The St. Petersburg administration will pay 5 million rubles ($163,000) to each local athlete who wins a gold medal at the Winter Olympics in Sochi in 2014. Silver medalists will get 2.5 million rubles and bronze medalists will get 1.5 million rubles.
The coaches who have trained such athletes will also receive financial benefits, Interfax reported.

<b>Pulkovo Wins Award</b>
ST. PETERSBURG (SPT) — St. Petersburg’s Pulkovo Airport Monday won a Silver nomination among public private partnership projects run in Europe, Central Asia, Middle East and North Africa in the nomination for emerging markets chosen by IFC, a member of the World Bank Group, and Infrastructure Journal.
Each of the projects recognized demonstrated high levels of innovation, development vision, replicability and social impact, IFC said in its press release.
John Kjorstad, editor of Infrastructure Journal, said the Emerging Partnerships report “has chosen the most innovative and exciting PPP infrastructure projects from around the world.”
“These projects have improved the daily lives of tens of millions of people by providing new infrastructure services. Increasingly governments are turning to PPPs as an affordable funding method,” he said.
The Gold award in the category went to Queen Alia International Airport in Jordan and the Bronze award was given to the New Cairo Wastewater Treatment Plant in Egypt.
The gold, silver and bronze projects will be honored at an awards ceremony in April 2013 in Washington, D.C. 

TITLE: Museum Given Rare Perfume 
AUTHOR: By Galina Stolyarova
PUBLISHER: The St. Petersburg Times
TEXT: The Tsarskoye Selo estate has received a precious present in the form of a collection of favorite perfumes owned by Russia’s last tsar, Nicholas II, and the members of his family.
The aromatic donation was made by Zinaida Volodina-Pessoa, president of the Canada-based Svetoch Slavic Culture Association. Volodina-Pessoa acquired the imperial perfumes at auctions and in antique shops in different locations.
“Indeed, the aromatic substances in these bottles have changed but it is possible to establish the base notes of each perfume’s composition,” said Irina Nacharova, a spokeswoman for Tsarskoye Selo Estate.
The collection consists of six bottles of perfume that are intimately linked to the family of Nicholas II. One perfume, a bottle of “White Rose,” is associated with empress Alexandra Fyodorovna. “White Rose,” by the renowned Atkinson brand that was founded in London in 1799 and is currently based in Italy, was her favorite fragrance.
The daughters of Nicholas and Alexandra preferred floral scents, especially those from the famous French house of Coty. A graceful Rene Lalique bottle from the donation contains a dark aromatic substance — Princess Anastasia’s most beloved perfume, “La Violette Pourpre.”
A small pyramid-shaped glass bottle contains another Coty creation,  “La Rose Jacqueminot,” a favorite of Princess Olga. Perhaps predictably, Princess Tatyana was another of the Romanov family members devoted to the creations of Coty. Volodina-Pessoa has found a half-full bottle of Tatyana’s preferred fragrance, “Jasmin de Corse,” and added the item to the collection. Princess Maria preferred “Lilas Pourpre,” also produced by Coty.
According to Volodina-Pessoa, all of the bottles were produced at the beginning of the 20th century.
The collection of imperial perfumes will become part of a new exhibition that is currently being arranged by the museum. The display will mark the 400th anniversary of the establishment of the House of Romanov and is expected to open to the public by the beginning of the summer.
Additionally, Zinaida Volodina-Pessoa has provided Tsarskoye Selo with valuable information in helping the museum to locate and purchase from a private collector in Canada a perfume bottle that is graced with the monogram of Nicholas II. Experts say it is likely that this bottle is unique and was owned by the tsar. The perfume bottle is made of glass and decorated with silver, gold and diamonds. It contains a fragrance produced by the award-winning soap and perfume manufacturer Rallet & Co., which was established in St. Petersburg in 1843 by Frenchman Alphonse Rallet. 
Rallet & Co. catered directly to the Romanov family and the Russian court. 
Volodina-Pessoa accompanied the gift of perfumes with a silver photograph frame made in England at the end of the 19th century and original photographs, dating from the 1860s.The images feature the mother, uncle and grandmother of empress Alexandra Fyodorovna  — Princess Alice, then-Prince of Wales King Edward VII and Queen Victoria, respectively.
“Volodina-Pessoa also presented the museum with a copy of a score with a Christmas song that lists Nicholas II as the author,” Nacharova said. “Our curators will examine these relics.”


TITLE: Museum Given Rare Perfume 
AUTHOR: By Galina Stolyarova
PUBLISHER: The St. Petersburg Times
TEXT: The Tsarskoye Selo estate has received a precious present in the form of a collection of favorite perfumes owned by Russia’s last tsar, Nicholas II, and the members of his family.
The aromatic donation was made by Zinaida Volodina-Pessoa, president of the Canada-based Svetoch Slavic Culture Association. Volodina-Pessoa acquired the imperial perfumes at auctions and in antique shops in different locations.
“Indeed, the aromatic substances in these bottles have changed but it is possible to establish the base notes of each perfume’s composition,” said Irina Nacharova, a spokeswoman for Tsarskoye Selo Estate.
The collection consists of six bottles of perfume that are intimately linked to the family of Nicholas II. One perfume, a bottle of “White Rose,” is associated with empress Alexandra Fyodorovna. “White Rose,” by the renowned Atkinson brand that was founded in London in 1799 and is currently based in Italy, was her favorite fragrance.
The daughters of Nicholas and Alexandra preferred floral scents, especially those from the famous French house of Coty. A graceful Rene Lalique bottle from the donation contains a dark aromatic substance — Princess Anastasia’s most beloved perfume, “La Violette Pourpre.”
A small pyramid-shaped glass bottle contains another Coty creation,  “La Rose Jacqueminot,” a favorite of Princess Olga. Perhaps predictably, Princess Tatyana was another of the Romanov family members devoted to the creations of Coty. Volodina-Pessoa has found a half-full bottle of Tatyana’s preferred fragrance, “Jasmin de Corse,” and added the item to the collection. Princess Maria preferred “Lilas Pourpre,” also produced by Coty.
According to Volodina-Pessoa, all of the bottles were produced at the beginning of the 20th century.
The collection of imperial perfumes will become part of a new exhibition that is currently being arranged by the museum. The display will mark the 400th anniversary of the establishment of the House of Romanov and is expected to open to the public by the beginning of the summer.
Additionally, Zinaida Volodina-Pessoa has provided Tsarskoye Selo with valuable information in helping the museum to locate and purchase from a private collector in Canada a perfume bottle that is graced with the monogram of Nicholas II. Experts say it is likely that this bottle is unique and was owned by the tsar. The perfume bottle is made of glass and decorated with silver, gold and diamonds. It contains a fragrance produced by the award-winning soap and perfume manufacturer Rallet & Co., which was established in St. Petersburg in 1843 by Frenchman Alphonse Rallet. 
Rallet & Co. catered directly to the Romanov family and the Russian court. 
Volodina-Pessoa accompanied the gift of perfumes with a silver photograph frame made in England at the end of the 19th century and original photographs, dating from the 1860s.The images feature the mother, uncle and grandmother of empress Alexandra Fyodorovna  — Princess Alice, then-Prince of Wales King Edward VII and Queen Victoria, respectively.
“Volodina-Pessoa also presented the museum with a copy of a score with a Christmas song that lists Nicholas II as the author,” Nacharova said. “Our curators will examine these relics.”


TITLE: Children’s Charity Recognizes Local Journalists
AUTHOR: By Irina Titova 
PUBLISHER: The St. Petersburg Times
TEXT: Russian charity foundation Liniya Zhizni (Life Line), which helps children with severe health problems in Russia, has presented awards to representatives of a number of Russian media that are active in covering charity issues in Russia.
Among those honored by Life Line at an event in St. Petersburg last week were representatives from St. Petersburg’s Channel Five; Russian federal news agency RIA Novosti; magazines “Otdokhni’” (Relax) and “TV Park” and the Aeroflot magazine; women’s website Cosmo.ru; and the Ekho Moskvy radio station.
Faina Zakharova, president of Life Line, said that the organization had wanted to thank the mass media for their publicity, without which the effectiveness of their charity efforts would be limited.
For instance, in 2012 Channel Five’s weekly morning program “Utro Dobrykh Del” (Morning of Good Deeds) about children in need helped to raise money for medical treatment for 48 children from around Russia. Channel Five launched the program in cooperation with Life Line.
Representatives of “Utro Dobrykh Del,” which won the TV charity nomination, said they would continue reporting on charity issues in 2013.
At the same time, Zakharova said charity organizations still need more publicity to attract more attention to charity activities and make donating to charity an essential part of life in Russia.
“Our task is to make charity a way of life, just like it is now in England, for instance, where most families allocate part of their family budget for charity. Children in England know from a very young age that it is necessary to help those in need. That’s what we should strive for in Russia as well,” Zakharova said.
The foundation provides assistance to children up to the age of 17 whose life is at risk due to severe illnesses such as congenital heart disorder, arrhythmias, hereditary cerebrovascular disease, hydromeningocele and epilepsy. Life Line pays for high-tech surgery and the purchase of expensive medical equipment, the use of which provides a significant improvement in quality or life or, in some cases, full recovery for the children.
Zakharova said the next large-scale charity event Life Line is to organize will be “Have a Blini, Save a Child’s Life,” to be held during Russia’s Shrovetide observations from March 11 through 17 in Moscow, St. Petersburg, Novosibirsk and Nizhny Novgorod. On those dates a number of restaurants in the aforementioned Russian cities will offer a special “charity blini menu.” People who buy blini from the menu will be able to contribute to the Life Line charity. Detailed information on the restaurants and cafes taking part in the event will be available on the foundation’s website, www.life-line.ru. 
Zakharova said the total amount of charity money raised by the foundation to date amounts to more than one billion rubles ($32 million). Thanks to that financial assistance, the foundation has managed to save and rehabilitate more than 5,500 children with severe illnesses.

TITLE: SKA Advance to Semi-Final
AUTHOR: By Chris Hamilton
PUBLISHER: The St. Petersburg Times
TEXT: SKA St. Petersburg dispatched Atlant Moscow Oblast in Game 5 of the KHL Western Conference quarter-finals Thursday night at St. Petersburg’s Ice Palace, winning the series 4-1. 
For the second time in the series, SKA dominated at home and tied their club playoff best, racking up a 7-0 win against Atlant and booking their ticket to the next round. In winning the series in five games, the Petersburg team scored 22 goals while conceding a mere four. 
Artemy Panarin guided SKA to an early lead, scoring just 53 seconds after the start of the game. Atlant goalkeeper Stanislav Galimov turned away 16 shots in the first period and appeared to be the only one keeping the visitors in the game. SKA controlled the ice and played conservatively, allowing Atlant only two shots on goal during the opening period. 
SKA ran away with the game in the second period with four goals within 10 minutes. Tony Martensson scored two goals, and Mikhail Varnakov and Alexander Kucheryavenko each tallied one. Varnakov scored a second in the third period and Patrick Thoresen rounded out the scoring.
Netminder Ivan Kasutin picked up his second shut-out of the playoffs. 
“I’m very happy for the players that we’ve advanced to the second round,” said SKA head coach Jukka Jalonen. We played really strongly in the first period, but we only scored one goal. But then we scored four in the second and the game was practically over. I was pleased with how the offensive helped on defense. We really played well as a team, and of course Kasutin had an excellent game.”  
Despite Kasutin’s solid showing, Jalonen wouldn’t commit to using him as the starting goalkeeper, saying, “We’ve got two excellent goalies and we’ll most likely continue to rotate between him and [Ilya] Yezhov.” 
In the Western Conference semi-finals, SKA will face northern neighbor Severstal Cherepovets, which defeated Lokomotiv Yaroslavl in 6 games, while the other game will feature a Moscow derby between Dinamo and CSKA. 
SKA will open the series at home at the Ice Palace on March 7 at 7:30 p.m. Game 2 is scheduled for 5 p.m. March 8. 
At the time of publication, Ak Bars Kazan was the only Eastern Conference team to have secured a spot in the next round. They await the winner of the Metallurg Magnitogorsk vs. Salavat Yulaev Ufa series, which is currently tied at three games apiece along with the other two series: Avangard Omsk vs. Sibir Novosibirsk and Traktor Chelyabinsk vs. Barys Astana.


TITLE: Putin Got Preview of Parody
AUTHOR: By Alexander Winning
PUBLISHER: The St. Petersburg Times
TEXT: MOSCOW— President Vladimir Putin’s official spokesman said Monday that Putin had watched in advance a sketch aired Sunday night on NTV that mocked the president for his diminutive stature and manicured public persona.
Russian television viewers are rarely exposed to criticism of the ruling elite in prime-time shows, and national media are frequently ranked as “not free” in international rankings of press freedom.
Responding to disbelief that the comic show, the first in a series, made it on air, Putin spokesman Dmitry Peskov told Interfax that Putin always enjoys a good joke, even when it’s aimed at him.
“He invariably welcomes humor, in the best sense of the word,” he said.
Peskov hinted, however, that Putin had preferred certain parts of the show over others, though he didn’t elaborate.
NTV broadcast the show, titled “Yes, Mr. President,” on the eve of the one-year anniversary of Putin’s re-election to a third term as president. The role of Putin was played by comedian Dmitry Grachyov, who has parodied Putin on a number of occasions, including in his presence.
The pro-government channel had whetted viewers’ appetites earlier Sunday by publishing an article on its website under the headline “’Yes, Mr. President!’ We’re Really Showing This on Air.”
Bloggers spent the early hours of Monday morning debating whether the new show reflected a loosening of the Kremlin’s grip over the media, even though similar hopes were quashed after Channel One broadcast a humorous cartoon on New Year’s Eve in 2009 showing Putin and then-President Dmitry Medvedev dancing and singing.
Peskov seemed to suggest that Putin was content with the digs in Sunday’s broadcast, which mainly poked fun at a stunt wherein Putin found Greek amphorae while diving, a “candid” documentary aired on NTV showing the president’s rigorous daily routine, and his friendship with French actor Gerard Depardieu.
Past NTV attempts to satirize Putin and those close to him were not met so sanguinely by the president, and may have even contributed to the channel’s loss of independence. In early 2000, the channel aired episodes of a long-running satirical show called “Kukly” (Puppets) that lampooned Putin, including one that cast leading political figures as prostitutes at his beck and call.
Observers said at the time that the show was a major irritant for Putin, and later that year prosecutors opened a criminal investigation into NTV owner Vladimir Gusinsky. 
In 2001, Gazprom Media acquired a controlling stake of 46 percent in NTV, effectively silencing its criticism of the Kremlin.
On Monday, state-run pollster VTsIOM said Putin’s “trust” rating had slipped slightly, from 50 percent at this time last year to 48 percent. Prime Minister Dmitry Medvedev came second in the ratings of top politicians, at 25 percent.

TITLE: Yashin Questioned in Razvozzhayev Case
PUBLISHER: The St. Petersburg Times
TEXT: MOSCOW — Liberal opposition leader Ilya Yashin was questioned Tuesday as a witness in the criminal case against low-profile leftist opposition leader Leonid Razvozzhayev, who is currently in detention on suspicion of plotting mass riots.
Yashin has been called to testify for another criminal case against Razvozzhayev — this one on charges of deliberately providing false testimony by accusing an investigator of abducting and torturing him in October, shortly before his arrest, the Investigative Committee said in a statement on its official website.
Investigators say Razvozzhayev knowingly provided the false testimony at a December hearing into the mass riots case. They conducted a check into Razvozzhayev’s earlier claims of abduction and torture but found no evidence to corroborate his story, the statement said. 
Yashin’s questioning came just a day after Moscow’s Basmanny District Court refused to return a large sum of money that had been confiscated from his Moscow apartment during a search in June. 
The search was conducted as part of the criminal case against a number of opposition leaders for allegedly plotting mass riots, Interfax reported. 
Investigators said at Monday’s hearing that they had “grounds to believe” that the 123,000 rubles ($4,000) and $12,500 seized from Yashin was “received illegally” and may have been meant to finance mass riots in Moscow, Interfax said. 
The criminal case into plotting mass riots was prompted by state-owned television channel NTV’s documentary-style film “Anatomy of a Protest-2,” which accused opposition figures Razvozzhayev, Left Front leader Sergei Udaltsov and fellow activist Konstantin Lebedev of discussing ways to sponsor mass riots in Moscow with Georgian politician Givi Targamadze.

TITLE: Forbes List Shows Putin Allies’ Fortunes Soaring
AUTHOR: By Howard Amos
PUBLISHER: The St. Petersburg Times
TEXT: MOSCOW — The personal fortunes of businessmen rumored to enjoy close relationships with President Vladimir Putin jumped sharply in a new Forbes ranking Monday as Facebook investor Alisher Usmanov retained the title of Russia’s richest man.
The wealth of Gennady Timchenko, owner of oil trader Gunvor and a large stakeholder in gas producer Novatek, showed a rise of $5 billion from last year, according to the latest Forbes list of global billionaires.
Now worth $14.1 billion, just four years ago Timchenko had a mere $400 million. He is the most prominent figure among a group thought to have profited by their association with Putin and who represent a “new wave” of billionaires displacing old-style oligarchs.
Forbes’ estimation of Timchenko’s wealth was close to the real figure, said Anton Kurevin, a spokesman for the billionaire.
Timchenko admits he has known Putin for many years, but he has repeatedly denied the friendship has helped his meteoric rise.
“Gennady Timchenko’s success in business is in no way linked to President Putin,” Kurevin said.
Timchenko, Russia’s 12th richest man in 2012, is now the 9th richest.
Leonid Mikhelson, a business partner of Timchenko and co-owner of Novatek, is also steadily climbing the ranks of Russia’s wealthiest people.
Mikhelson improved on his 10th place position last year to become the 3rd richest Russian with a fortune of $15.4 billion. In 2012 Forbes estimated his wealth at $11.9 billion, and in 2010 said he was worth $4.4 billion.
Although there are new names amongst the ten richest Russians in 2013, the coveted top spot is still filled by Usmanov, with a net worth of $17.6 billion. The Uzbek-born tycoon, who owns stakes in Facebook, Zynga and Arsenal Football Club alongside his metals conglomerate Metalloinvest, is currently the 34th richest person in the world.
Others have not been so lucky and some of the stars of the billionaires who have traditionally dominated Russia’s business world appear to be fading.
Vladimir Lisin, whose principal asset is Novolipetsk Steel, fell from being the second-wealthiest Russian into 8th place. Another steel producer, Alexei Mordashov, dropped from 3rd to 11th.
Mikhail Prokhorov, who controls a large stake in aluminum giant RusAl and owns the New Jersey Nets as well as real estate, insurance and banking holdings, also fell in the rankings from 7th place to 10th place. Prokhorov ran unsuccessfully for president against Putin in 2012.
Another familiar figure in the upper echelons of Russia’s billionaires, Roman Abramovich, has also suffered during the last year as $1.9 billion was shaved off his fortune, pushing him outside the top ten for the first time and marking a steady decline from the number one spot he occupied in 2007.
Timchenko and Mikhelson are not the only new figures to be emerging in the Russian billionaire scene.
Another alleged acquaintance of Putin, Arkady Rotenberg, has also been multiplying his fortune at prodigious speed.
Rotenberg, an old judo sparring partner of Putin’s who has stakes in construction, pipe-building and financial companies, has more than tripled his personal wealth in the last year, shooting up 61 places in the latest list to be placed as Russia’s 31st richest man with $3.3 billion.

TITLE: Liberal Editors to Leave Posts
PUBLISHER: The St. Petersburg Times
TEXT: MOSCOW — The editors-in-chief of liberal media outlets Gazeta.ru and Kommersant-FM radio are leaving their posts, news reports said Monday.
The announcements immediately spurred speculation of a media crackdown, although neither editor said the decision was linked to pressure regarding the outlet’s editorial policy.
Gazeta.ru editor-in-chief Mikhail Kotov, who has worked at the website since 1999, said he was leaving the opposition-leaning online publication of his own accord.
A representative of SUP Media, the website’s owner, told Interfax that although there had been disagreements between Kotov and management, the move was unexpected.
“We regretfully confirm the information about the departure of Mikhail Kotov from the post of editor-in-chief of Gazeta.ru,” the representative said.
Alexei Vorobyov, editor-in-chief of Kommersant-FM radio, part of the Kommersant media conglomerate including the prominent daily newspaper of the same name, will soon leave his post at the radio station, the publishing house’s president told Interfax.


TITLE: 3 Tourists Perish in Kamchatka
PUBLISHER: The St. Petersburg Times
TEXT: PETROPAVLOVSK-KAMCHATSKY, Far East — Investigators in the Kamchatka region have opened a preliminary investigation into the death of three tourists who froze to death during a mountain climbing expedition on the Kamchatka Peninsula, according to a news report Monday. 
The bodies of the three tourists were found by rescue workers on a mountain pass Monday morning, RIA-Novosti reported. 
Two of them died after setting out to search for a missing companion, who was later found dead. Another tourist who took part in the search operation returned to the tour base alive but with severe frostbite.
Valery Karpenko, deputy chairman of the Kamchatka regional government, told the news agency that the head of Alpika Tour, the firm that was supervising the trip, allowed the three inexperienced tourist-rescuers to hunt for their companion despite his firm having more experienced mountaineers and specialized equipment at hand.
Emergency officials said a storm warning had been in force on Kamchatka due to a nearby cyclone and that they had advised tour firms not to attempt mountain ascents over the weekend.


TITLE: Ministry to Push For Borodin’s Extradition
AUTHOR: By Howard Amos
PUBLISHER: The St. Petersburg Times
TEXT: MOSCOW — The Interior Ministry vowed to press ahead with the extradition of Andrei Borodin, the former head of Bank of Moscow, after Britain decided to grant him political asylum, raising the specter that chilly relations between the two countries could worsen.
Four sets of criminal charges are outstanding against Borodin, who is accused of using his 16-year tenure as the president of Russia’s fifth-largest bank for massive personal gain.
“Law enforcement organs will, as before, strive for the extradition of Borodin,” the Interior Ministry said in a statement Friday carried by Interfax.
They are, however, very unlikely to succeed.
Much to the Kremlin’s dismay, Britain has traditionally shielded high-profile Russians who flee their homeland in the face of threats against their lives or freedom.
Famous recipients of political asylum include 1990s kingmaker Boris Berezovsky and Chechen politician Akhmed Zakayev. Oil magnate Mikhail Gutseriyev and cell phone tycoon Yevgeny Chichvarkin have also used Britain as a haven from Russian law.
The decision to give Borodin political asylum was predictable, said Fyodor Lukyanov, editor of Russia in Global Affairs magazine.
“Great Britain rejects all Russian requests that are suspected of having a personal or political element,” he said.
Borodin arrived in London in April 2011, as state-owned VTB stood on the brink of acquiring Bank of Moscow, which was set up by former Moscow Mayor Yury Luzhkov in 1995. Several months later, $14 billion worth of problem loans was discovered, forcing the biggest government bailout in Russian history.
Borodin declined a request to comment for this article, but he has maintained that the whole process was masterminded by then-President Dmitry Medvedev.
“The pursuit of me and my colleagues was politically motivated,” Borodin told Vedomosti on Friday. “And behind this stand the interests of politicians, including former President Medvedev, who was the chief initiator of all this persecution and victimization.”
Medvedev’s spokeswoman criticized Britain’s decision.
“The most important thing is to shout as loudly as you can about political persecution, and you will be guaranteed to receive political asylum,” Natalya Timakova said, Itar-Tass reported. “It is regrettable that this unsophisticated system worked again.”
Since beginning his self-imposed exile, Borodin has been sharply critical of VTB and the Kremlin. He keeps a link to the blog of anti-corruption activist Alexei Navalny on his personal website.
The first criminal charges were filed against Borodin in 2011, and the Prosecutor General’s office sent an official request for his extradition to London in March 2012. He is also being sought on a Russia-instigated international arrest warrant.
Once Britain grants asylum, it is almost never rescinded, said Jonathan Hendry, a London-based  immigration adviser. After five years, recipients can apply for the right to stay indefinitely.
In October, a notorious documentary about the Russian opposition movement aired by state-controlled NTV alleged that Borodin had promised to raise $200 million and funnel it to the anti-Putin protest movement via Left Front leader Sergei Udaltsov.
Borodin said recently that a high-speed chase on Britain’s M4 freeway involving his assistant could have been the work of Russian security services.
His suspicions are not without grounds. Several Russian exiles have been targeted abroad.
Former KGB agent Alexander Litvinenko died from polonium-210 poisoning in 2006 after having tea at a plush London hotel. And last year, banker German Gorbuntsov was gunned down outside his apartment in London’s financial district.
But Borodin, whose personal fortune is estimated by Forbes at about $800 million, has also been making himself comfortable. Last year, he spent $217 million on a country estate in Oxfordshire.
Dmitry Akulinin, a former deputy head of Bank of Moscow who followed Borodin to London in 2011, is also wanted on criminal charges in Russia. It was unclear Friday whether he had also been granted political asylum by Britain.
Though Borodin is a relatively minor figure, the decision to ignore Russia’s extradition request could worsen the already tense relationship between Moscow and London, experts said.

TITLE: MGU Regains Top 50 Spot 
AUTHOR: By Natalya Krainova
PUBLISHER: The St. Petersburg Times
TEXT: MOSCOW — Moscow State University, or MGU, has regained a spot among the world’s 50 most reputable institutions of higher learning, according to Times Higher Education magazine’s annual college ratings, released Monday. 
But Moscow State’s objective score, which takes into account learning environment, research influence and innovation, remains outside the top 200.
“The encouraging thing about the reputation ranking is that it’s based on subjective perceptions, which means it’s highly regarded,” the list’s editor, Phil Baty, said by phone from London. Moscow State “is gaining from a very famous history,” which makes it “prestigious” and “well-known around the world.”
But there’s a “big depth” between the World Reputation Rankings, based on opinions, and the World University Rankings, based on objective factors, Baty added.
Moscow State came in at No. 50 on this year’s reputation list, based on the opinions of 16,639 published academics from around the world. The school came in 33rd in 2011, the first year the reputation ranking was published separately. 
However, it didn’t make last year’s list, an absence Baty called a “very strange situation,” noting that different academics were polled each year.
“It is great to see Russia break into the global top 100 — indeed, into the top 50,” Times Higher Education said in an e-mail to The St. Petersburg Times. “This means that Lomonosov Moscow State University is seen globally as a serious force in teaching, research and innovation, and this gives it a strong platform for consolidation.
“However, it should be noted that this strong showing in terms of subjective reputation is in stark contrast with the institution’s relatively modest standing in the largely objective World University Rankings, where Moscow State sits outside the top 200. The university must use its strong global reputation to improve, as it cannot rely on reputation alone.”
The reputation survey has given the top six places to the same schools for the past three years: Harvard University, the Massachusetts Institute of Technology, the University of Cambridge, the University of Oxford, the University of California at Berkeley and Stanford University. Those six have only been swapping places with one another.
St. Petersburg State University and Novosibirsk State University are the only other Russian schools to have appeared in the top 200 rankings. Baty attributed Russia’s relatively poor showing to brain drain, insufficient funding and a lack of research publications in English. 
Although perception can help Moscow State move forward and attract additional funding and talent, Russia has to invest more in a skilled workforce, innovations and technology to improve its position in the rankings, Baty said. 
President Vladimir Putin last year ordered the government to ensure that at least five Russian universities got into the world’s top rankings by 2020. Baty said that goal would be “very challenging” but “not impossible.”
The fact that Moscow State is increasing communication with the international scholarly community and that its researchers have started publishing more work in English is also helping the university’s standing, Baty said.

TITLE: Matviyenko is ‘Most Influential Woman in Russia’
PUBLISHER: The St. Petersburg Times
TEXT: MOSCOW — Federation Council speaker Valentina Matviyenko has been rated the most influential woman in Russia for the second year in a row by a group of leading experts and politicians.
The 2013 rankings, compiled by Ekho Moskvy radio in cooperation with Ogonyok magazine, RIA-Novosti and Interfax, contained a multitude of changes from last year’s list.
Only Matviyenko, whose job makes her second in line for the presidency after the prime minister in the event that the president dies, and Prime Minister Dmitry Medvedev’s spokeswoman, Natalya Timakova, who came in third on the list, retained their positions.
Deputy Prime Minister Olga Golodets made the most progress over the year and came in second after Matviyenko. Presidential aide and former Economic Development Minister Elvira Nabiullina was ranked fourth, having climbed one position since last year. Mikhail Vinogradov, chairman of the St. Petersburg Politics Fund, said the ratings measured the “media and public appeal of participants,” adding that he could not think of a single woman in Russia who constituted an independent political force.
Even Matviyenko, who Vinogradov said tries to create the impression that she has her own sphere of influence, is widely thought to be a tool of President Vladimir Putin.
The rankings featured 15 names that did not appear on last year’s list, including Health Minister Veronika Skvortsova in 17th place and Moscow Deputy Mayor Anastasia Rakova in 22nd.
The list was based on the opinions of 43 experts and politicians, including Duma Speaker Sergei Naryshkin, Deputy Prime Minister Arkady Dvorkovich, co-chairman of the Republican Party of Russia – Party of People’s Freedom Mikhail Kasyanov, leaders of all parliamentary parties and editors-in-chief of Russia’s top media publications.
It was unclear whether any women participated in the creation of the list. 

TITLE: Police Detain Suspect in Acid Attack on Filin
PUBLISHER: The St. Petersburg Times
TEXT: MOSCOW — Moscow police have detained a suspect in the January acid attack on the Bolshoi Theater’s artistic director, Sergei Filin, a statement on the police website said Tuesday.
The statement did not identify the suspect, but Interfax cited a police source as saying the suspect was not a member of the theater’s ballet troupe. 
According to the tabloid Lifenews, which is known to have strong links to law enforcement agencies, investigators found the suspect by wiretapping all the phone calls made near Filin’s house around the time of the attack. 
It has also been determined that the attacker had an accomplice.
The suspect was detained around 6 a.m. Tuesday in the Moscow region town of Stupino. Police are searching local places visited by the suspect and the Moscow apartment of his parents, Lifenews reported. 
Filin, 42, was hospitalized with burns to his face and eyes after a masked attacker splashed acid on his face outside his apartment building on Troitskaya Ulitsa on Jan. 17.
He has undergone a number of surgeries on his face and eyes and may still need a few more, though it is not clear whether his eyesight will be fully restored. 
Investigators linked the attack to Filin’s job. Filin has said he knows the identity of his assailant but will not reveal who it is because of the ongoing criminal probe. 

TITLE: Using Magic to Turn Russia Into a Superpower
AUTHOR: By Alexander Golts 
TEXT: Deputy Prime Minister Dmitry Rogozin has finally gotten his wish: Russian science has overtaken every other country by apparently figuring out how to clone a fully grown 18-year-old youth. How else would you explain President Vladimir Putin’s recent order to Defense Ministry brass that the army should be fully staffed at 1 million men within two years?
The military would have to draft 600,000 conscripts annually to have 1 million men in uniform. That is the same number of men who turn 18 each year, and some sources predict the number will fall to as low as 470,000 within the next two years. That means every single 18-year-old male would have to be corralled into the army, including those with physical disabilities and chronic illnesses — and even that wouldn’t be enough to reach the magic one-million mark. The only way around the problem would be to clone healthy 18-year-olds as quickly as possible.
The only real way to fulfill Putin’s order is if the Defense Ministry fudged the numbers. That would explain why the ministry reacted favorably to the announcement by several college presidents that they agree to let students do a three-month stint in the army without interrupting their studies.
Putin’s other requirements for the military would also take a miracle to fulfill. At the same meeting with the top brass, Putin ordered that modern weapons comprise 70 percent to 100 percent of all arms by 2020. But considering that modern weaponry represents only 20 percent of the current total and that assembly line production of the new systems has yet to begin, Putin would need a magician to pull that one out of the hat. It is all the more unrealistic considering that 60 percent of current weapons orders are plagued by violations of various types, according to the Defense Ministry, thus delaying delivery times even further.
Happily, there is a Kremlin-loyal magician at hand: Rogozin. One of the secrets behind his magic tricks was revealed during a recent report by the Audit Chamber to the State Duma Defense Committee. According to auditor Alexander Piskunov, the military brass reported that 99 percent of defense orders had been filled by simply adjusting the orders to match what was actually delivered. This required padding the number by inserting about 7,200 corrections.
As it turns out, Rogozin uses an ordinary ballpoint pen instead of a magic wand. But I suspect that even that numeric sleight of hand will look childish compared to the tricks that will invariably follow. Defense Minister Sergei Shoigu has said he will fully reject any role for the Defense Ministry in setting the prices for military equipment. “We should determine the tactical and technical characteristics of the weapons,” he said, “as well as the quantity and the timeframe for their delivery to the troops but not the type and price of titanium, aluminum, cable and other components.”
Several days ago, Rogozin announced that the Defense Ministry should only order those weapons that the defense industry is capable of producing. Under such conditions, giving the Industry and Trade Ministry full pricing authority for military hardware would be like willingly assuming the position of a Soviet shopper who is told as he enters the store, “Take whatever you find, but there’s nothing here.”
Putin is confident that, despite having dismissed Anatoly Serdyukov in November from his post as defense minister, he will be able to preserve the hard-won fruits of Serdyukov’s reforms. “Of course, following a rigid formula is wrong,” Putin said, “however — and I would like to emphasize this — constant flip-flopping and endless revisions of earlier decisions should not happen either.”
In fairness, Russia is not returning to the Soviet concept of a mass-mobilization army. But the backsliding from Serdyukov’s reforms has already begun. Military academies once again will have to report to the chief commands of the air, ground, airborne, navy and strategic missile forces. This will doom them to producing Soviet-type military tradesmen focused not on professional growth but on gaining competence on a single, outdated piece of military hardware. Education and warrant officers will return to the army — the very jobs that Serdyukov had wanted to eliminate above all others. This category of military personnel represents a throwback to some of the worst elements of the Soviet army and will likely lead to more political control and theft in the armed forces.
At the same time, however, Russian authorities haven’t completely lost touch with reality. In fact, nobody is planning to ensure the security of the country with the aid of students who would serve one summer in the army. Shoigu has confirmed that the army will be able to sign up 425,000 professional soldiers by 2017. Some of them will be assigned to the airborne troops that are slated to become a wholly professional branch of the military. Vladimir Shamanov, head of the country’s airborne forces, has proudly announced that he has been charged with forming 22 battalions — at least two divisions — of contract servicemen in the near future. The hope is that these rapid deployment forces should secure victory in local conflicts. Only Russia’s nuclear forces would be capable of deterring a more serious opponent.
The hundreds of thousands of other military personnel would simply be window dressing to help Russia’s leaders believe that Russia is still a great power.

Alexander Golts is deputy editor of the online newspaper Yezhednevny Zhurnal.

TITLE: comment: Why Putin Should Make This Term His Final One
AUTHOR: By Vladimir Frolov
TEXT: About a year ago, in what sounded like a reluctant endorsement by Russia’s big business of Vladimir Putin’s return to the presidency,VTB president Andrei Kostin wrote in Kommersant that for the country to move forward Putin should declare after the inauguration that it would be his last term in office and that he would not seek re-election in 2018. It was good advice.
A year into Putin’s new presidency, the strategic rationale for his return to the Kremlin looks increasingly moot.  
A promise of political stability as a basis for development turned into government paralysis on tough economic and social issues. In a one-man decision-making system, irresponsible populism and sycophantic advice replaced strong, effective leadership; consensus building was replaced by governing from the fringe and pandering to the most reactionary constituencies. Calls for national cohesion morphed into divisive cultural and social warfare.
Political instability became endemic after the central issue of peaceful transition of power to the post-Soviet generation was kicked down the road without any institutional framework to manage risks. The experiment with institutionalizing the transition process by allowing an alternative center of power to emerge around President Dmitry Medvedev has been dismantled. Putin is the country’s only viable institution. Sans lui — le deluge.
Putin is still fairly popular: 32 percent would vote for him for president, according to the latest Levada poll. Many believe there is no reason for him not to run in 2018. Yet this also reinforces Kostin’s argument why he shouldn’t.
The more he delays the succession decision, the less likely he will be to manage it successfully. His re-election in 2018 would mean that no alternative and competing centers of power would be allowed to emerge until 2024, ensuring more political stagnation. A peaceful transfer of power to a hand-picked successor in 2018 will be harder to pull off than in 2008, given the people’s certain fatigue after 20 years of Putin’s rule.
If Putin opens the field now, at the peak of his power, he will be able to oversee a competitive process within the framework of his system, enforcing fair play and boosting the system’s legitimacy.
A gracious and noble way to do it is to sponsor a constitutional amendment that would limit presidential terms to two for life, effective immediately and making Putin’s current term his final one.

Vladimir Frolov is president of LEFF Group, a government relations and PR company.

TITLE: All Together Now
AUTHOR: By Larisa Doctorow
PUBLISHER: The St. Petersburg Times
TEXT: Beside New Year’s Eve, few days in Russia are as important as International Women’s Day, which takes place annually March 8. 
A newly opened exhibition at the History of St. Petersburg Museum commemorates the 100th anniversary of the celebration, offering visitors a chance to trace the changing role of women in Russian society. 
Illustrating how this popular holiday arose and transformed over time, “We Are All Sisters” is a compact and intelligently conceived show drawn from the museum’s holdings that features a fascinating selection of graphics, sculptures and porcelain figurines.
In addition to the wide array of decorative art objects, didactic texts provide context with historical sketches of the women’s movement through various epochs. Particularly valuable is the way in which the exhibition juxtaposes developments happening in Russia, such as the admission of women into higher education, with similar advances in Western Europe. 
The result is more flattering to Russian society than one might expect. 
International Women’s Day, which began to be celebrated early in the 20th century, was a political statement expressing women’s struggle for equality in the work place. Russian women were only slightly behind their European and American counterparts in their search for parity with men, but their embrace of the holiday would have far-reaching consequences that reverberated throughout the 20th century and beyond. 
In St. Petersburg, the first demonstration by female workers took place in 1913. The second, which was held in February 1917, took a political turn and eventually led to the outbreak of the February Revolution (part of the Russian Revolution of 1917).
In 1921 the Soviet state made March 8 an official holiday, and throughout the many difficult years of industrialization, war and reconstruction the country continued to celebrate the powerful image of a strong woman. As man’s equal, this new woman worked in the country’s factories and on its collective farms; she fought the nation’s enemies and served in its militia. 
Among the most interesting items on view from this period is an advertisement for Alexandra Kollontai’s lecture “What type of a woman does the proletariat need?”
Kollontai was an associate of Lenin and one of the leaders of the Bolshevik party. She played an important role in establishing the new Soviet society through her lectures, her writing and her lifestyle. 
Another key feature of the exhibition is the inclusion of unexpected and illuminating quotes from authorities as diverse as Bertrand Russell, Madeleine Albright and Golda Meir.
 Over the years, the holiday gradually lost its overtly political aspect, becoming a holiday emphasizing family values and celebrated — both at home and at work — with flowers and gifts.  
As this change was taking place, society served up yet another image of women, now a beautiful, romantic and desirable one. As the exhibition demonstrates, clothing was transformed along with the image and military uniforms for women were supplanted by lace-covered wedding gowns and corsets. 
Reflecting the change, the Russian poet Nahum Korzhavin wrote a poem in which he extended an oft-quoted verse by Nikolai Nekrasov to sum up the discrepancy between what society expected from a woman and her own dreams: “She is ready to stop a galloping horse or rush into a burning house to save lives, but she dreams about balls, waltzes and evening gowns.”

<i>“We Are All Sisters” is on view until May 12 at the History of St. Petersburg Museum at the Peter and Paul Fortress. M: Gorkovskaya. Tel. 230 6431.</i>

TITLE: Sending Word
AUTHOR: By Galina Stolyarova
PUBLISHER: The St. Petersburg Times
TEXT: The fourth annual Slovo festival kicked off in London on Tuesday with an evening of poetry read by Russia’s up-and-coming poet Vera Polozkova. An overnight sensation, Polozkova started out as an obscure blogger, whose image-rich verse gained her sweeping popularity.
Often regarded as “the greatest sensation among the younger generation of Russian poets,” Polozkova stages her readings in a way that resembles a rock concert and is often being joined onstage by live musicians.
The Slovo festival, now in its fourth year, is organized by Academia Rossica, a London-based cultural organization dedicated to encouraging cultural exchange between Russia and the UK.
The event is the only Russian literature festival to be held outside of Russia.
Conceived by its creators as a “celebration of Russian literature,” the festival brings to London a wealth of contemporary Russian writing talent from the already-bestselling authors of the caliber of Dmitry Bykov and Mikhail Shishkin to up-an-coming writers of the younger generations. 
“From Pushkin to Pelevin, Dostoevsky to Shishkin, Mayakovsky to Bykov — literature has always been Russia’s calling card and writers have been its most important ambassadors,” said Svetlana Adjoubei, the director of Academia Rossica. “We are thrilled to be welcoming some of the greatest living Russian writers to join us in exploring the best in contemporary Russian literature.”
In the past five years, Russian publishers have been actively trying to reach out to a new readership in Europe. A major disadvantage of the Russian stands at international book fairs, compared to the vast majority of other participants, was usually the fact that most of the editions were in Russian.
Academia Rossica is on a crusade to change that.  Its events, from poetry readings to roundtable discussions, are almost always accompanied by a translation, and the organization is enthusiastic about translating exciting new authors.
March 8 sees a discussion titled “Rethinking History Through Literature,” at Waterstones Piccadilly, where renowned Russian historical novelist Vladimir Sharov will talk about his writing with the translator Oliver Ready, who translated Sharov’s novel “Before and During.”
Another not-to-be-missed event will take place March 10 at MacDougall Arts, a specialist auction house. Alexander Etkind, a professor of Russian Literature and Cultural History at the University of Cambridge, will join the prominent and outspoken writer Dmitry Bykov to discuss Etkind’s recent book “Internal Colonization: Russia’s Imperial Experience,” in which the author takes a post-colonial approach to the country’s cultural history.
Bykov, the author of an award-winning biography of Boris Pasternak and the politically charged novel “ZhD,” will also host an evening of his own on March 12 at Waterstones Piccadilly. 

<i>For more information and a schedule of events, visit Academia Rossica’s website: www.academia-rossica.org</i>

TITLE: Going Positive
AUTHOR: By Sergey Chernov
PUBLISHER: The St. Petersburg Times
TEXT: Yuri Shevchuk and his band DDT, a leading force during the Russian rock revolution of the late 1980s and early 1990s, still pack the stadiums today, despite being effectively banned from major television channels due to Shevchuk’s uncompromising stance and his involvement in political and social protest.
During the past few years, Shevchuk has participated in the anti-Kremlin Dissenters’ March, campaigned to save St. Petersburg’s UNESCO-protected skyline and the Khimki Forest near Moscow from state-backed developers, spoken on behalf of political prisoners, and famously confronted Vladimir Putin about the lack of civic freedoms in Russia during a televised meeting with arts and entertainment celebrities.
In the meantime, DDT has put together a bombastic stadium concert set called “Otherwise,” and has performed 80 shows across Russia and abroad over the past 15 months.
Shevchuk spoke to The St. Petersburg Times at his recording studio last Friday.

<b>Q:</b> The past year has seen a renewed interest in your work, both at home and abroad, prompting some to say that Russia is changing, not unlike perestroika in the 1980s. What do you think about this?
<b>A:</b> Public interest in rock music exploded during perestroika because it was on the cutting edge of all the issues. It sang about all those topics that were then simply exploding in Russia, no matter whether they were social, moral or ethical. Rock and roll is a bold musical form and it spoke about all these conflicts. The guys — Alexander Bashlachov, Boris Grebenshchikov, Viktor Tsoi, the legendary Mike Naumenko and many others — all sang about this honestly and sincerely, and it was interesting for everybody to hear. And the music was sufficiently cliche-free; there was something fresh in Russian rock at the time. It was everything. And there was a movement, a rock movement, after all.
Much has been said and written about the rock movement in the West in the years between 1968 and 1970, during the Paris Spring and the student movement against the Vietnam War in the U.S. There were powerful explosions of youth protest: The hippie movement and, a little earlier, the beat movement in the U.S. In London, too, the walls shook from large-scale hippie events. That all happened. It happened here, too, albeit a bit later, as usual. But what happened here was no less cool. There was an explosion of ‘passionarity’ in the country — a fresh breeze was blowing through people’s heads, and everybody was hungry for some sort of radiant future. The country was on the rise, but it ended as it always does — in depression — the same old same old. The rock movement is over; it doesn’t exist anymore, in my view. And on the one hand, rock music has become mainstream, like jazz. On the other, it still hasn’t lost all of its relevance, but it has failed to become the headline to everything that happens in the country. It has even become somewhat elitist — no longer the people’s music it was when any band describing themselves as “rock” had stadiums [full of people] on their feet in the early 1990s. That no longer exists now, but that’s okay.

<b>Q:</b> Rock bands used to express what everybody felt and thought about at the time. Why do you think this is no longer the case?
<b>A:</b> Many people have escaped into extreme individualism and shielded themselves from the world — from the streets where rock-and-roll grew up — with money and with cars. This is understandable. People have started to make money; they have a certain amount of material security, fame and popularity. I understand this completely. But if I listen to Russian rappers, they have this connection to the street, to the world, to the life of some guy wandering the streets and not knowing what tomorrow will bring, because he doesn’t believe in this “tomorrow,” because he has no social elevators, no prospects — especially in some of the working-class neighborhoods. The only thing he can be part of is some little gang, that’s it. And this is what rappers sing about: the perennial problems of the man from the streets, the teenager, the working stiff. Rap is much more democratic than rock-and-roll. Rap has less need for all those tons of equipment, lights and sound — all that “showbiz.”
Everything flows. This power, this spirit, it lives where it wills. Something is fading away. At one time jazz was extremely revolutionary and was not seen as mainstream. What can you do about this?

<b>Q:</b> It was more clear-cut during Soviet times: You either supported the authorities or listened to rock music. It changed in the 2000s, when Putin received Paul McCartney at the Kremlin, while a top official boasted of having a complete set of Beatles albums on vinyl. The borders have blurred, haven’t they?
<b>A:</b> It’s a nebulous time, so what? Remember the story of Vladimir Vysotsky. After you’ve buried a great man, you can do whatever you want with him, right? They filed down his teeth and claws, and turned him into someone cute and furry. His birthday is celebrated every year and it is mostly his fun, satirical songs that are performed. They are turning him into a poster-boy for the establishment. Vysotsky’s work and life, as well as many of his fans, do resist this, for sure. It’s the same with rock-and-roll; they are turning it into sort of relic of the past. But rock-and-roll is still alive. Many talk about its death, by the way, saying that it’s not so relevant, so sharp-toothed or sharp-clawed. Certainly there has been a bit of this, especially in the 2000s.
But a new, younger generation has come of age: They are more active and I believe in them. They’ve again returned to honest songs; to socially engaged, topical songs. And the rappers don’t let you relax, either. That’s normal.

<b>Q:</b> Speaking of the younger generation, the Kremlin tried to corrupt it by setting up the Nashi movement and the Seliger youth camp, didn’t they?
<b>A:</b> But they’re always trying to build some new Komsomol [the Communist Union of Youth in the U.S.S.R.]. They try to live in the past, try to unite young people, but once again, only on this superficial level because there’s no love there. No real love. 
I don’t believe in it, in these organizations. They are totally for show; they do what they do for money and the promise of la dolce vita, for the ascension of these Seliger youth in social elevators to a bureaucratic heaven. And these boys and girls drool over it because they have nothing ahead of them in their small towns near Moscow, that’s for sure. What are they going to be? The third assistant to a fifth deputy or minister? I experienced this with the Komsomol, from which I was expelled with a bang back in the day.
It was the same thing back then. When I was in college, at school, the loudmouths and the kids hungry for perks went into the Komsomol. But where is it now? It’s gone. These organizations will disappear, too, because the people are getting wiser. And life is much more serious and profound than all these organizations. Recently, I read the charters of the Hitler Youth and Nashi on the web and they’re quite similar. Some lines are identical, in fact. “Motherland,” “Our dear president,” “Together we’ll build” — it all sounds the same. Yeah, we’ve been there and done that.

<b>Q:</b> What do you feel about what’s happening in Russia now? Some people feel depressed about the situation.
<b>A:</b> Many people are depressed. I understand them incredibly well, for sure. It’s the intelligent people who want to live in an enlightened country and see that reactionism is setting in. Many people are depressed. But I’ll say it again: We don’t give up. They won’t take us so easily. No way. We’ve been around the block and have seen many things. We’ve outlived all sorts of monarchies and social systems. The [current powers-that-be] can’t scare us that much. But it’s a long process. It’s not like bleaching your hair. I understand now, like many other people, that it’ll take decades upon decades to build an enlightened Russia.

<b>Q:</b> Two years ago, you posed questions about freedoms of speech and the right to assembly to then-Prime Minister Putin during his meeting with artists, but things have only grown worse since then. What do you think about this now?
<b>A:</b> But Putin himself was talking differently then. People continue to go online [to watch the video of our exchange] and it has gotten simply millions of hits. I think I did expose some lies, and as a result, the truth surfaced. [Putin] said one thing, but in life something else has happened. There’s an example for you, something to think about; it’s all clear. Something positive happened. I tried to ask the questions that concerned me as best as I could, though maybe not all of them.
The atmosphere at that meeting was quite gloomy. Thank God, I managed to ask at least some questions. It was gloomy because there were numerous guards who stood around us, who viewers didn’t see, with these steely gazes that bored right through you at every word you said. [Neither did they see] those frightened journalists from the Kremlin press pool, who giggled merrily at his every joke, like lackeys. And my colleagues, who were simply scared to death and looked as if they wanted to say, “When will he shut up? My God, they’re going to shoot us all now and strip us of our titles, awards and salaries.”
For some reason, this atmosphere affected even Putin himself. He was fiddling with a cup of tea, and his hands even trembled. I’ve only ever experienced a gloomier atmosphere at funerals. It was just icy, I don’t know why. Fear gripped the whole table during this conversation.

<b>Q:</b> It has been a year since the members of Pussy Riot were arrested. You took part in their support concert last year. Did you expect they would be sentenced to real prison terms?
<b>A:</b> Sure, I had no doubt about it. [The authorities] acted like hacks again. They decided to stage a public punishment and did it in an uncivilized way. And it turned out that this is not 21st-century Russia, but Nicholas II’s Russia, with cudgels, lashes and running the gauntlet — all those medieval things we love so much. But nevertheless I thought [the sentence] would not be so harsh. Sadly, though, the powers-that-be lack a liberal arts education. They all act like petty thugs. You were picked on, so take what you’ve got coming. They failed to become like Mahatma Gandhi, whom Putin praised once upon a time.
They hand out prison sentences to scare everybody, to keep people from yapping. It’s a typical lash-and-whip system to frighten people. Well, you can scare people for a long time, but there’s no future in it. This has been proven many times in human history. People just get angrier and that’s all. They respond to violence with violence, eventually. Nobody wants this in our country. It’s a huge mistake. A geopolitical mistake, I believe.

<b>Q:</b> How do you see DDT in Russia now?
<b>A:</b> I am still a restless guy at fifty-something. I haven’t lost my interest. I am interested in thinking about the world and about life. I am interested in looking at man, contemplating him, say, at this given time, at this given minute or second of life in this country, in Russia, and that is why the songs still get written. We’ve put together a set entitled “Otherwise.” It’s a very serious show. We tried to do it to a European level of quality, and many people say we’ve pulled it off.
But I am thinking about a different set now. I don’t want something so heavy, so philosophical, but rather something light, because living in Russia is getting more complicated, and more difficult. Speaking of music, in my view there are huge numbers of uncreative people, hacks, that is, sitting in the State Duma and the government, and like hacks they pass laws that absolutely nobody needs. The recent series of laws, from 2012, are totally laws [that have been] written by hacks. I understand they won’t last long, but all this endless lip-synching, so that when anyone opens their mouths all they can do is sing the praises of the past, represents a fear of the future — a deadly fear. It has made me recall the old expression, “cognitive dissonance.” The heads of this gray herd that rules over us are all filled with this endless cognitive dissonance.
That’s why I want to do something like I did back in 1985, when I wrote a very fun set called “Time.” I “buried” [party official] Ivan Ivanych there back in the day, and the set was filled with really fun songs, life-affirming songs. I’ve come now to this understanding of our time: What we need now is total, insane positivity! Because everything is so dark, gloomy and grey in this country that you need to grin, sneer and smile at this entire abyss and show it the middle finger: “Fuck! You can’t grab us by the throat just like that, no way.” That’s what I am trying to write now. I simply want some great melodies and fun, mischievous, socially engaged songs, and that’s it. That’s how I feel.
You have to be a colossal optimist in Russia not to be devoured by the bureaucracy, booze, traffic cops on the roads and all this crap. You have to be a total, uncontrollable positivist.
You can be melancholic in the West. Things are fine as they are in Europe, and you can become sad and make a film about the delicate psychology of a gay man or someone else, dig around in your childhood, recall Uncle Freud… But here in Russia there is such a battle going on, such a knock-down-drag-out fight — in every kitchen, in every mind — that we just don’t have time for such nuances. 
Our country is facing bigger and more meaningful things. Where are we headed? Either we’ll follow the Fuehrer who might emerge after this semi-rotten Weimar Republic, this country simply sagging under the weight of thieves who warp people’s brains in order to stay in power, or we’ll start building an enlightened Russia and getting rid of the endless lice. That’s the main thing, I think.
You have to be convinced and in a positive mood. Not pop, poster-style positivity, but the hard-earned kind. The kind we had in the 1980s. It was a bit naive, because we thought, “Oh, democracy… Rivers of milk and honey will flow, and manna will rain down from the heavens, and everybody will be sated.” But nothing came out of it. It was a downer, an awful, metaphysical downer.
We and the young people have to get ourselves out of this downer. So we work with the young people and try to tell them about this. “Hey guys: Read, think, ask questions!” Ask yourself at least one question, kiddo, and try to answer it. Once you start untangling Ariadne’s thread, you’ll get out of this maze in the end. That is, if you start asking yourself questions, rather than dumbly chewing the bubble gum they feed you. That’s what we’re about now.

<i>DDT will perform at 7 p.m. on Thursday, March 7 as part of the Chart Dozen festival alongside Korol i Shut, Spleen, Lumen and Lyapis Trubetskoy at Yubileiny Sports Complex, 18 Prospekt Dobrolyubova. M: Sportivnaya. Tel. 498 6033.</i>

TITLE: Goodbye Winter, Hello Spring
AUTHOR: By Tatyana Sochiva 
PUBLISHER: The St. Petersburg Times
TEXT: In the run-up to the beginning of Lent, the week-long Maslenitsa (Shrovetide) is Russia’s version of the spring carnival and is a time to indulge in soon-to-be-forbidden food and celebrate the return of warmer weather. 
This year, Maslenitsa celebrations will be held across the country from March 11 through 17. In St. Petersburg, the city’s parks, museums and restaurants are all busily preparing for the holiday. Visitors to local celebrations can look forward to mounds of buttery blini, swing rides and the burning of a Maslenitsa effigy. Known for its traditional foods and entertainments, the weeklong holiday is traditionally celebrated on a grand scale across both the city and the Leningrad region, and this year is no exception.
Dating back to Pagan times, Maslenitsa is possibly Russia’s most beloved folk holiday. Its traditions include ceremonies meant to welcome the return of the life-giving spring sun and the renewal of nature. Because of this, the most characteristic food of the holiday is blini. The rich Russian pancakes are seen as a symbol of the sun due to their round form and golden color. Maslenitsa is celebrated during the last week before Lent, in preparation for Easter.
Locally, festivities are planned for the Peter and Paul Fortress and the Summer Garden, which will be divided into interactive zones to cater for every taste. Over on Yelagin Island, the festival program will include trick horse riding shows and fiery pyrotechnics.
Perhaps the most unusual Maslenitsa celebration of all will be held in the Tercentenary Park in the city’s Primorsky district. According to the organizers, the park will be transformed into an attraction of intergalactic appeal. 
“We delved into the history of Russian culture and concluded that the ancient pagan rituals and traditions of celebration were lost long ago,” said the event’s project manager Svetlana Malyakina. “In my opinion, a reconstruction of ancient Maslenitsa traditions is possible only for a narrow circle of specialists. We are creating a holiday for everyone, and so we chose the broad concept of a universal Maslenitsa celebration.” 
Among the festival-goers enjoying both intergalactic and Russian folk amusements, visitors to the park can expect to see people dressed as aliens. Plans for the holiday include a celebrity blini eating contest, a selection of “unearthly” treats and gifts, and a banya for little green men.
In addition to the celebrations throughout the city, folk festivals will also take place across the region. In Strelna, for example, the festivities will kick off March 17 on the grounds of the Konstantinovsky Palace, where up to 10,000 people gather annually to celebrate the holiday. Visitors will be able to take part in snowball fights, try their hand at Russian folk dancing, and view a folk costume competition. Emerging local musical acts, as well as St. Petersburg favorites like the folk-rock band Iva Nova, will serenade audiences kept warm with traditional blini and mulled wine. 
The Mariinsky Theater responds to the ancient holiday by staging its annual Maslenitsa festival, which this year is launched with a performance of  “The Snow Maiden” on March 11.
“The idea of the festival was born from the desire to create an event that would add attractiveness to St. Petersburg in this difficult, unpopular season of February and March, when the weather pleases neither city residents nor visitors to the city,” said Oksana Tokranova, press-attach&#233; at the Mariinsky Theater.
“Historically, Maslenitsa celebrations were held on a grand scale and with great imagination. We wanted to return to this fine tradition. All of the operas and ballets based on Russian fairytales and choral concerts that will take place at the Mariinsky Theater and Concert Hall [during the festival] refer to the pre-revolutionary traditions of Maslenitsa celebrations. This year special attention should be paid to the choral concert, which will be held on March 13. It will consist of works by great Russian composers,” she added.  
In addition to all the musical entertainment, many museums both in the city and the wider Leningrad region will offer holiday programs specifically meant for children. The State Museum of Religious History, the Rozhdestveno Memorial Estate, the Benois Family Museum, the Khleb-da-sol Ethnic Leisure Center and the Skazkin Dom Interactive Museum will offer a compelling account of Maslenitsa to young visitors and introduce them to the nearly endless variety of holiday customs.

TITLE: THE DISH: Homey Desolation
AUTHOR: By Galina Stolyarova
PUBLISHER: The St. Petersburg Times
TEXT: On a recent Saturday afternoon the front of ChouChou, a restaurant housed within a whitewashed industrial building of concrete and glass like a postcard from the 1970s, resembled a beehive. However, it turned out that the gangs of youths huddling together by the entrance were queuing for an event at a club next door — never mind the bizarre time of day for clubbing.
Once inside ChouChou, it was striking how vast and desolate the dining space was. The establishment, which could easily accommodate a hundred guests, was empty. The only waiter was busy decorating one of its corners for an upcoming banquet, and paid no attention to us for a good couple of minutes while we stood hesitantly in the doorway, wondering whether the venue was actually closed on that day.
As no one had offered any sort of welcome at this point, the decision was made to head for the waiter as he emerged from the kitchen. When asked if it would be possible to have lunch, he nodded and handed us a copy of the menu. Free to choose a table, we settled on one of the sofas overlooking the Karpovka River. 
The whole experience began to feel slightly surreal, echoing the Soviet era almost as strongly as the building itself.
The waiter never brought a second copy of the menu — an experience unknown to both diners since our distant Soviet childhood. On the drinks list, the tea option was limited to the word “tea” — a sad greeting from the era of food shortages. When a teapot to share was ordered, though, the waiter offered a choice of black or green tea.
By this point, things were already becoming comical. A hybrid of a Soviet-era canteen and an oversized Proven&#231;al cafe was an intriguing combination that encouraged exploration.
Nothing about the decoration serves as a reference to the restaurant’s name, which is used in French as a term of endearment, and translates roughly as “cream puff.” However, the effort that was invested into making this formerly soulless industrial space warm and homey was appreciated. White and grey linen tablecloths and napkins, cheerful wallpaper decorated with little birds, soft furnishings and rustic tableware, including round teapots graced with the image of Mother Goose, lend the interiors character.
The onion soup (220 rubles, $7.30), served in a generous pot, was ultra-rich, with the onion bits retaining their texture and far from overdone. The chef was generous with the cheese, which was appreciated on a cold day, and the dish compared favorably with renditions of the soup sampled in France. The broccoli cream soup with salmon (250 rubles, $8.30) was equally compelling; all tender textures, a sensible amount of cream and the perfect amount of finely cut bits of smoked salmon to warm the palette.
ChouChou advertizes itself as featuring Proven&#231;al cuisine, and the menu features a good range of options to justify the name, from the chicken pot-au-feu (230 rubles, $7.60) to a range of quiches (320 rubles, $10.60), snails stuffed with garlic (230 rubles, $7.60) and Proven&#231;al-style chicken with fresh vegetables (340 rubles, $11.30).
The more sophisticated treats include veal liver with truffle puree and fresh spinach (480 rubles, $16), a Normandy-style rack of lamb (720 rubles, $24) and duck fillets with cherry sauce and caramelized pear (540 rubles, $18).
The ratatouille (180 rubles, $6) was competently made with peppers, zucchini, tomatoes, onions and eggplant, although a greater presence of herbs would have given the dish a fuller flavor. The vegetarian quiche (320 rubles, $10.60) was double the size of the usual standard portion, but its pastry crust was strangely reminiscent of pizza dough. The best dish turned out to be the chef’s juicy and succulent chicken fillets stuffed with spinach and served with a pomegranate sauce (340 rubles, $11.30) — definitely one of ChouChou’s standouts, and one that should help turn the place into a busy neighborhood restaurant.
ChouChou clearly makes a point of each dish being substantial — though thankfully minus Soviet-era indulgence in oil, fat or overly heavy combinations — so the dessert section of the menu remained untried. The sweet temptations at ChouChou did sound attractive, however, with the enticing French &#233;clairs and strawberry blancmange (200 rubles, $6.60) inviting another visit. As one of us lives in the neighborhood, we both felt inclined to return.

TITLE: Tbilisi’s Natural Charm
AUTHOR: By Ivan Nechepurenko
PUBLISHER: The St. Petersburg Times
TEXT: Tbilisi, Georgia — Visitors can sense this city’s vibrancy as soon as they log on to the local public wireless network. “Tbilisi, I love you” pops up on the screen as the network name — a reminder that modern marketing techniques are there to promote the ancient reputation of warmth and hospitality the Georgian capital has earned over the centuries.
Having been designated capital nearly 1,500 years ago, despite spells of self-rule and subservience to Persia, Russia, and the Soviet Union, Tbilisi’s attributes are now known far and wide. This results in people having a preconceived notion about the locals — who will easily take a stranger home, give him an excellent meal and generously fill his glass with fine wine (and later in the evening, a shot of Chacha moonshine), and exchange life stories.
No matter whether it is a dilapidated street in the old town, or a newly refurbished glossy boulevard, nothing feels artificial in Tbilisi. The city doesn’t try to deceive, so even the aspects of it that might seem negative, such as Soviet-style suburbs filled with prefab housing blocks, will not leave an aftertaste. The locals are famous for their serenity — probably thanks to the one and a half millennia of uninterrupted reign as capital, and the fact that despite the continuous onslaught by foreign invaders, the city’s bold cultural ego has remained undimmed.
The natural charm extends not only to Tbilisi — its ancient fortress, churches, and picturesque balconies — but also to its people and the plethora of cats that move around and feel at ease everywhere in town. They are complemented by a seemingly equal number of old men, who take their chairs outside and sit on the streets observing the passers-by. This is Tbilisi’s present, past and probably its future.
The city’s name derives from the Old Georgian word Tpili, which means a warm place. Numerous sulfuric hot springs, which you can smell even in the metro, are a distinctive feature of the city. One way to feel the physical warmth of the place and its people is by going to public bath houses, where you can get the most recent rumor about whether Prime Minister Bidzina Ivanishvili will sell Georgia to the Russians, where to buy the best dates, and an unsolicited review of the latest play at the Marjanishvili Theater.
In the countryside outside of Tbilisi, the landscape changes every half hour, from rocky crags to fertile green fields, but the people and cuisine are always enjoyable. It is through such a combination of flexibility and consistency that the Georgians have managed to build their new state in such a complex geopolitical environment. When the essence of that magic balance sinks in after a short time in Tbilisi, then the visitor will know that he has really arrived.

<b>What to see if you have two hours</b>

In order to get a sense of the layout and beauty of Tbilisi’s natural surroundings, it’s good to start with a climb up Mount Mtatsminda. Looking down you can see central Tbilisi, with its main thoroughfare Rustaveli cutting through the heart of town. You can also grasp the spiritual side of Georgia by walking into the St. David’s Mamadaviti Church, surrounded by a necropolis where some of the most prominent figures of Georgia’s cultural history are buried. Underneath the church you can see the grave of Alexander Griboyedov, a famous Russian poet, and his Georgian wife Nino Chavchavadze, and get a sense of how Tbilisi was an object of inspiration and affection for Mikhail Lermontov, Leo Tolstoy, Ilia Chavchavadze and the Romanov family.
Walking down to the city, you can stroll along Rustaveli to see Tbilisi’s main landmarks: the Moorish opera, Rustaveli Theater and the Parliament building. If you come in late summer or early fall, take full advantage of numerous fruit stands that offer delicious dates, grapes and peaches. Instead of stopping for lunch on Rustaveli it might be a better idea to walk to Freedom Square, turning left onto Leselidze Street, which has more of a genuine feeling of the town. The street will lead you toward Meidani square, overlooking the serene Metekhi church and statue of King Vakhtang I Gorgasali. From there you can climb up to the Narikala fortress or ramble around the maze of the Old Town, the most venerable and unique part of Tbilisi.

<b>What to see if you have two days</b>

Take a cab and drive to the outskirts of Tbilisi to Mtskheta, the ancient capital of Georgia. The trip takes only half an hour and will not cost more than 30 lari ($18). Mtskheta has been recently renovated and looks like a mid-sized Prussian town. The difference is the Svetitskhoveli (the Life Giving Pillar) cathedral in its center — one of the most sacred places in Georgia — surrounded by mighty mountains. The cathedral houses graves of the ancient Georgian kings and also the Holy Robe said to have been worn by Jesus Christ at his crucifixion.
Then you can have lunch at Cafe Guga (6 Mamulashvili; on the left of the cathedral’s gates), which offers outstanding Georgian cuisine at low prices. Complete your evening by observing Georgia’s ancient capital from the top of the nearest hill, dominated by the sixth-century Jvari monastery (ask your driver to take you there on the way home for an extra 15 lari).
In Tbilisi itself, if you have time to see museums, visit Simon Janashia’s Museum of Georgia (3 Rustaveli; adult price 1.5 lari), where you can find the country’s main archeological artifacts, dating from the fifth century B.C. The building has been recently renovated and offers a new treat — the Museum of Soviet Occupation, which is an example of how Saakashvili’s government promoted nation-building. The second most important museum in Tbilisi is Shalva Amiranashvili Museum of Fine Arts (1 L. Gudiashvili; 3 lari), which houses the best examples of Georgian artwork, including icons in richly ornate frames.
The National Gallery of Georgia (11 Rustaveli; 5 lari) houses works of Georgia’s most famous painter Niko Pirosmani, whose primitivist work inspired Pablo Picasso, among others.
If you want to take a side trip to Azerbaijan, take a cab and go to Davit Gareja monastery (90 kilometers outside Tbilisi). This rock-carved monastery complex is an object of a border dispute between Tbilisi and Baku. When you go to the other side of the hill you get a “Welcome to Azerbaijan” message on your phone and can consider yourself being in Georgia’s oil-rich neighbor. Crossing the border between these countries is legal.
Another site to see is the Shatili fortress, a complex of fortified dwellings, located 180 kilometers, or about 4 hours by car, northeast of Tbilisi, near the Chechen border.
No visit would be complete without a wine tour in nearby Kakhetia. There are many tours that you can arrange in its capital Telavi (70 kilometers from Tbilisi). In Napareuli, you can visit both small wineries and larger ones, such as Schuchman’s. Alternatively, you can also venture out to Racha (250 kilometers northwest of Tbilisi), to see where Georgia’s most exclusive Usakhelauri wine is made.

<hr>
<b>Nightlife</b>

If your idea of how to start a night out is doing something traditional, the world-famous Gabriadze Marionette Theater (Ioane Shavteli Street; +995-32-298-6594) would be the best choice. See “Stalingrad,” which depicts World War II in a moving and metaphorical way. After seeing a play, you can visit the theater’s artistic cafe.
To get a more progressive sense of Tbilisi, go to Cafe Gallery (48 Rustaveli Street; +995-32-292-0053). At night the cafe turns into a first-rate nightclub with a DJ. It welcomes many of Tbilisi’s posh and well-heeled young people.

<b>How To Get There</b>

The only way to travel to Tbilisi from 
St. Petersburg is by plane. Ukraine International Airlines flies daily to Tbilisi for an average cost of 9,000 rubles, or $290), but you will have to change in Kiev. The trip takes around 8 hours.

<b>Where To Stay</b>

Tbilisi offers a wide range of hotels, the most upscale and famous of which is the 127-room Tbilisi Marriott Hotel on 13 Rustaveli Avenue, in front of the parliament (+995-32-277-9200, 
www.marriott.com). Prices start at $195 per night.
For a less corporate atmosphere, try Betsy’s hotel (32-34 Makashvili Street; +995-32-293-1404) on the lower slopes of Mtatsminda mountain. 
You can get a sense of the layout and the natural beauty of Tbilisi’s setting. Prices start at $140 per night.
Hotel Armazi Palace (8 Armazi; +995-32-277-2143) is a cheaper option. Situated near the President’s residence, its prices range from $55 to $110 per night, offering panoramic views of the old town.

<b>Where To Eat</b>

• Purpur (1 A Tbileli Street; +995-32-247-7776) is a cozy restaurant that looks like an old communal apartment. The place is popular with locals and expats. The menu is a mixture of Georgian and European cuisine, and the average check will be 50 lari per person without alcohol.
• Pasanauri (37/46 Griboyedov Street; +995-32-298-8715) is arguably the best Georgian restaurant in town. The owners are usually present, which makes the place feel very homey. Its convenient location near Rustaveli and in front of Cafe Gallery makes it a good place to start a long evening. An average check is 35 lari without alcohol.
• Black Lion (23 Amagleba) is as sophisticated and charming as Purpur, but about half the price. 
It is located off Amagleba street in a less touristy part of the old town — continue up Asatiani, turn right at the fork, pass a Populi on your left, then right side of the street — look for a painting of a black lion on a wall. The bill will set you back 25 lari without alcohol.